解读文化帝国主义

媒体,文化和社会

Reinterpretation of cultural imperialism: emerging domestic market vs continuing US dominance解读文化帝国主义：新兴的国内市场对继续美国的主导地位

Dal Yong Jin

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY, BC

西蒙弗雷泽大学

Korean popular culture has become dominant in East and Southeast Asia over the last decade. 在过去十年里，韩国流行文化已成为在东亚和东南亚的主导文化。Korean television programs, such as drama and mini-series, are increasingly penetrating different countries in the region, including China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Hong Kong and Japan.韩国的电视节目,如:戏剧和迷你系列,正越来越多地渗透到不同地区的国家, 中国、台湾、越南、香港和日本。Korean films and pop music (Kpop) have also become one of the most popular cultural products in Asia. 在亚洲，韩国电影和流行音乐(Kpop)也已经成为了最受欢迎的文化产品。Korean TV dramas and films seem likely to have even more success ahead as they have begun to find new audiences in other parts of the world. 韩国电视剧和电影似乎在向更多的成功迈进,因为他们已经开始在世界的其他地方寻找新的观众。Although this is still in its infancy, several Korean dramas and films have been shown in Mexico and other Latin American

countries (Turan, 2004: 4). 虽然这还处于初级阶段,一些韩国电视剧和电影已经证实进入墨西哥和其他拉丁美洲国家(Turan,2004:4)。Indeed, the total amount of Korean television program exports increased as many as 13 times between 1995 and 2004, from $5.5 million in 1995 to $71.4 million in 2004 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2004, 2005). 事实上, 在1995年和2004年之间，韩国的电视节目出口总量增加了13倍,从1995年的550万美元增加到2004年的7140万美元(文化部、旅游、2004、2005、)。

A growing body of literature over the years has examined the newly emerging Korean cultural market and its implications in the Asian region. 查阅越来越多的文献表明新兴的韩国文化市场和它的影响在亚洲地区。Several scholars (Ha and Yang, 2002; Ko, 2002; Lee, 2004) have explored these trends primarily from cultural perspectives, such as cultural proximity and cultural homogenization in East and Southeast Asia. 有几位学者(Ha和杨,2002;柯,2002分;李,2004) 主要从文化的角度探索了这些趋势,如在东亚和东南亚的文化接近和文化同质化方面。The growing literature has contributed to our understanding of whether Korea is constructing a

regional hegemony in the global cultural market, as in the case of Mexico, Brazil and India (Sinclair and Harrison, 2004; Straubhaar, 2000). 越来越多的文献，有助于我们了解韩国是否在全球文化市场建设地区霸权，就如同墨西哥，巴西和印度的情况 (辛克莱尔和哈里森,2004分;Straubhaar,2000)。

Regardless of increasing scholarship and media coverage of the role of Korean cultural products, there is no convergence in views on Korea’s roles in global-local cultural markets because several different factors – including political, historical, economic and cultural ones – have in a complicated manner influenced

the rise in exports of Korean cultural products to Asia.无论学术上还是媒体上关于韩国文化产品的作用的报道，韩国在局部文化市场的作用方面没有取得一致观点，因为有几个不同的因素 - 包括政治，历史，经济和文化的因素 – 用一种复杂的方式影响了韩国文化产品出口到亚洲的增加。In particular, the rapid growth of Korean popular culture in Asia has raised the issue of whether cultural imperialism, symbolizing a one-way flow of cultural products from Western countries to developing countries, is a reliable thesis to explain the Korean cultural market in the globalization era. 特别需要指出的是,韩国流行文化在亚洲的快速增长是否提高了文化帝国主义的问题,象一个单向流动的文化产品,从西方国家流向发展中国家,是一个可靠的论点用来说明在全球化的时代的韩国文化市场。With the rapid penetration of Korean popular culture in the East and Southeast Asian region, some critical reviews have alluded to the notion that cultural imperialism was over in Korea.韩国流行文化在东亚及东南亚地区的迅速渗透,一些评论间接提到文化帝国主义在韩国结束了的观点。Moreover, several news media, including the Financial Times, stated: ‘Korean creative industries are staging their own version of cultural imperialism by expanding into neighboring Asian markets’, although this is a new phenomenon occurring in recent years (in Ward, 2002: 12). 此外,一些新闻媒体,包括《金融时报》表示:“韩国创意产业扩大到邻近的亚洲市场，上演他们自己的文化帝国主义版本”,尽管这是一个在近几年新发生的现象。

Using a historical analysis approach and a cultural imperialism framework, this article investigates the recent development of the Korean cultural industry, providing empirical evidence to demonstrate the increasing role of Korean popular culture in the region. 使用历史分析法和文化帝国主义框架,本文对韩国文化产业最新发展的研究, 提供实证证据，证明越来越多的韩国流行文化在该地区的作用。The study explores Korean cultural product flow in Asia to articulate the increasingly

hegemonic role of Korean popular culture in the regional audiovisual market. 研究探讨了在亚洲的韩国文化产品流通，阐明在区域音像市场的韩国流行文化的作用越来越霸权。It then debates whether cultural imperialism has retreated and whether it is still a useful concept for explaining the Korean cultural market, mainly through exploring the nature of the transnationalization of the Korean cultural industry. 然后讨论是否文化帝国主义已经退缩，是否仍是一个有用的概念解释韩国的文化市场，主要是探索韩国文化产业的跨国性质。

Cultural imperialism vs counter-cultural imperialism

文化帝国主义与反传统［主流］文化帝国主义

The debate on cultural imperialism has been a long-standing topic within international communication research over the last several decades. 在过去的数十年,文化帝国主义的争论一直以来就是国际间交流的主题。Several media scholars, including Herbert Schiller, Jeremy Tunstall, Tapio Varis and Thomas Guback, debated dominance in international cultural exchange when the international communication system mainly expanded by supplying television programs and motion pictures from Western countries to developing countries throughout the 1960s and 1970s. 几家媒体学者,包括赫伯特席勒,杰里米汤斯顿和托马斯Guback Tapio Varis在国际文化交流时辩论, 在整个1960年代和1970年代，主要通过国际通信系统的发展提供了电视节目和电影从西方国家向发展中国家的扩展。They argued that the international communication system was characterized by imbalances and inequalities between rich and poor nations, and that these imbalances were deepening the already existing economic and technological gaps between

countries (UNESCO, 1980:111–15). 他们认为国际通信系统具有在贫国和富国之间不失衡和不平等的特征,这些不平衡加大了原有的国与国之间的经济和技术差距 (联合国教科文组织、1980:111-15)。

According to Herbert Schiller (1976), the powerful US communication industry forced global commercialization on the international communication system. 据赫伯特·席勒（1976年），强大的美国通信业强迫在国际的通信系统上进行全球商业化。 He identified the dominance of the US and a few European nations in the global flow of media products as an integral component of Western imperialism, and dubbed it cultural imperialism.他发现美国和几个欧洲国家在媒体产品的全球流动中占主导地位，如同西方帝国主义一个不可分割的组成部分,并将其称为文化帝国主义。Jeremy Tunstall observed that: ‘the cultural imperialism theory has claimed that authentic, traditional and local culture in many parts of the world is being overwhelmed by the indiscriminate dumping of large quantities of slick commercial media products, mainly from the US’ (1977: 57). 杰里米汤斯顿观察到:“真实的、传统的和地域的文化在世界的许多地方正在被任意倾销大量华而不实的商业媒体产品的打压,主要是来自美国的产品，这个事实使得文化帝国主义理论被断言(1977:57)。Meanwhile, as Thomas Guback argued (1984: 155–6), the powerful US communication industry, including film and television as well as news, exerts sometimes quite considerable influence over the cultural life of other nations. 与此同时,托马斯Guback认为(1984:155 -),强大的美国通信产业,包括电影、电视以及新闻, 对其他国家的文化生活的影响有时是相当可观

These scholars defined the international exchange of television programs and motion pictures as a one-way flow – from the prosperous nations of the West to

the countries of the Third World and/or from the US to the rest of the world. 这些学者定义的电视节目和电影的国际交流是一个单向流动的交流——从西方发达国家流向第三世界国家和/或从美国流向世界的其余部分。In other words, these critics generally defined cultural imperialism as the conscious and organized effort made by Western, particularly US communication conglomerates to maintain commercial, political and military superiority.换句话说,这些批评人士通常定义的文化帝国主义是西方有意识和有组织的努力制作出来的,特别是美国通信集团保持商业、政治和军事优势。Those multinational corporations exerted power through a vast extension in cultural control and domination, and thus saturated the cultural space of most countries in the world. 那些跨国公司通过施加一个巨大力量延长文化控制与统治,从而渗透到世界上大多数国家的文化空间。

Since the early 1990s, however, the cultural imperialism thesis has come under increasing criticism from diverse perspectives. 然而,从1990年代初开始, 文化帝国主义的论文已经受到越来越多的来自不同角度的批评。Some media scholars have argued that, in the current global media environment, which is characterized by a plurality of actors and media flows, it is no longer possible to sustain the notion of Western media domination (Chadha and Kavoori, 2000; Sonwalkar, 2001). 一些媒体学者认为,在当前全球媒体环境具有由多个演员和媒体流的特点，它已不再可能维持西方媒体统治的概念 (Chadha和Kavoori,2000;Sonwalkar,2001)。There are several emerging domestic cultural industries in various parts of the world, primarily aimed at markets in the same region, or at viewers of the same ethnicity, who share similar language and cultural backgrounds. 有几个新兴国内文化产业在世界各地的,主要是针对市场在同一区域,或者在同一种族的观众,他们具有相似的语言和文化背景。还有一些在世界各地的新兴国内文化产业，主要目的是针对同一地区的市场，或针对有着相似的语言和

文化背景同种族的观众。Several Latin American and Asian broadcasters and film producers have been expanding their operations, including program production and distribution in and out of their respective nations or regions in the last decade. 在过去十年里，几个拉丁美洲和亚洲电视和电影制片人已经扩展他们的业务,其中包括在各自国家或地区的生产和分配方案。Television program producers in Mexico and Brazil have created programs for Latin America, and producers in Hong Kong have made programs for the East Asian cultural market (Sinclair et al., 1996). 在墨西哥和巴西的电视节目制作创造了拉丁美洲的方案，而在香港的生产商已为东亚文化市场的制定了方案 (辛克莱尔等问题,1996)。Broadcasting firms and film producers in these countries have indeed produced programs that are more attuned to local tastes (Langdale, 1997). 在这些国家的广播公司和电影制作人确产生了方案,而这些方案更照顾到地方风味(Langdale,1997)。

Media scholars, including Joseph Straubhaar, Michael Tracy and Geoffrey Reeves, have each made a case against the cultural imperialism thesis. 媒体学者,包括约瑟夫Straubhaar,迈克尔·特蕾西和杰弗里·李维斯, 对文化帝国主义的论文分别做了一个案例。With the example of Televisa in Mexico and TV Globo in Brazil, Straubhaar (1991) emphasizes that national cultures can now defend their ways of life and, in some respects, even share their images with the rest of the world. 以墨西哥的特莱维萨和巴西的全球电视为例，Straubhaar(1991)强调现在可以捍卫他们的民族文化的生活方式,在某些方面，甚至能与世界的其他地方分享他们的图像。He argues that some countries find themselves unequal but possessing variable degrees of power and initiative in culture as well as economics. 他认为,一些国家却发现自己在文化以及经济上不能平等地拥有权力和主动性。Tracy (1988) states that traditionally culture-weak Third World producers have now strengthened their national cultural industries to

compete against dominant US and European cultural power. 特蕾西(1988),陈述第三世界国家的传统弱势文化生产商现在加强他们的国家文化产业竞争优势对抗美国和欧洲文化的力量。Reeves (1993) also points out that the emergence of many developing nations such as Brazil, Mexico and India as both major producers and global exporters of audiovisual products, has not only altered any one-way flow of Western media content, but has effectively undermined the hegemonic model represented by cultural imperialism. 李维斯(1993年)》也指出,出现了许多发展中国家如巴西、墨西哥和印度作为两个主要视听产品的生产商和全球出口商,不仅改变了西方媒体单向流动的内容,而且有效地削弱了霸权模型为代表的文化帝国主义。Meanwhile, John Sinclair and Mark Harrison (2004) emphasize that India and China represent immensely growing markets that provide television program content and services across borders and regions due to their great diasporas in the world. 与此同时,约翰·辛克莱尔和马克·哈里森(2004)强调,中国和印度，由于它们在世界上的众多侨民，使他们提供的电视节目内容和服务跨越国界和地区，表现出极大增长的市场。These theoreticians are proponents of a reverse cultural imperialism, and they address the significance of the popularity of cultural producers and media flows, arguing that cultural pluralism has now arrived. 这些理论家是一个反文化帝国主义的支持者，他们针对流行文化生产者和媒体流的意思，认为多元文化已经到来。

Another main line of attack on the cultural imperialism thesis focuses on the second weak link in its argument, its underestimation of local resistance to Western dominance (Curran and Park, 2000). 另一个对文化帝国主义论点的主要攻击线，集中在第二薄弱的环节，在它的论据上，就是对当地抵抗西方优势的低估(卡伦和公园,2000)。For example, Liebes and Katz (1990) and Straubhaar (2000) argue that audiences in several countries actively resist media content of Western products,

while enjoying at least some nationally produced genres. 例如,Liebes Katz Straubhaar(1990)和(2000)认为观众在几个国家积极抵制西方产品的媒体内容,一边欣赏一些国内产生的流派。As Straubhaar points out: ‘audiences will tend to prefer that programming which is closest or most proximate to their own culture: national programming if it can be supported by the local economy’ (2000: 4). 正如Straubhaar指出:“观众将会倾向最接近或最近似于他们自己的文化:能够支持地方经济的民族节目”(2000:4)。

In recent years, this reverse or counter-cultural imperialism seems to apply in the case of South Korea, with the rapid growth of its domestic cultural industries and its exports to the East and South Asian regions. 近年来，这个反向或反文化帝国主义似乎适用于韩国这种本国的文化产业和其在东亚和南亚地区的出口快速增长的情况。The Korean audiovisual industry has begun to produce and export domestic television programs and films on a large scale. 韩国音像产业已开始向大规模生产和出口国内的电视节目和电影。The process remains complex, however, because the US still dominates the Korean cultural market through both cultural products and capital. 这个过程仍然复杂，然而，由于美国通过文化产品和资本仍然在韩国文化市场上占据主导地位，。

The Korean cultural market under cultural imperialism文化帝国主义下的韩国文化市场

Between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s, Korea was an exemplary case of the cultural imperialism thesis.在20世纪50年代末和90年代中期之间，韩国是一个文化帝国主义论点的典型例子。 From the inception of Korean TV history in 1956,

Korean TV programming relied enormously on imports from the US during the 1950s and 1960s, as in many other countries.从1956年韩国电视台成立开始，在20世纪50年代和60年代，如同在其他许多国家一样，韩国的电视节目极大地依赖于从美国进口。An unequal flow of films, television programs and music, as well as structural inequalities of cultural production, was widely witnessed in Korea. 电影，电视节目和音乐的不平等流通，如同文化产品的结构性不平衡一样，在韩国非常常见。 There had been uneven flows or sales and consumption of various imported television programs and films.流通或销售以及各种进口的电视节目和电影的消费是不均匀的。 On the production, sales and flow side, there was an asymmetrical interdependence, in which Korea imported more culture from the US than it sold to the US. 在生产、销售和流通方面，有一个不对称的相互依存关系，韩国从美国进口的文化产品，比销往美国的要多。

In particular, the market share of foreign television programs in the Korean broadcasting industry grew in the early 1990s. 特别是在20世纪90年代初，韩国广播业的外国电视节目的市场份额在增长。 Foreign television programs existed in Korea before the early 1990s; 外国的电视节目在20世纪90年代初之前就在韩国存在; however, they were relatively rare compared to foreign films because the Korean government restricted foreign television programs through a program quota system. 然而，相比之下外国电影在韩国是比较少见的，因为韩国政府通过计划配额制度限制了外国电视节目。The importing of foreign television programs began to increase after the government eased the quota system in the early 1990s. 在20世纪90年代初，政府放宽了配额制度后，外国电视节目的进口开始增加。Imports also increased in the domestic broadcasting market until 1996, mainly because of the introduction of new terrestrial and cable television channels. 到1996年，国内广播

市场也增加了进口，主要是因为引进了新的地面广播和有线电视频道。Korea, which had only three television channels in the early 1980s, rushed headlong into a multi-channel television era in the 1990s. 韩国，在80年代早期只有三个电视频道，到了90年代，迅猛地冲进一个多频道电视时代。 Twelve new commercial terrestrial broadcasting channels and 153 cable channels were established during the 1990s. 十二个新的商业电视频道和153频道是建立在90年代。 Foreign television programs were supposed to surge into Korean living rooms with the increase in the number of television channels, as in many other countries. 与许多其他国家一样，外国电视节目随着韩国家庭客厅中的电视频道数量的增多而增加。 This forecast was realized during the first few years of the new terrestrial and cable television era, which began in the early 1990s. 在新的地面广播和有线电视的时代，这在20世纪90年代初开始的头几年中实现了这一预测。Total television program imports increased over the previous year by 40.3 percent in 1995 and 49.3 percent in 1996 respectively, by dollar value. 电视节目进口总额由1995年的40.3％增加到1996年的49.3％，以美元的价值计算。The imported programs were 12,921 units in 1995, as opposed to 8074 units in 1994, mostly from the US (Ha and Yang, 2002: 75). 1995年进口的节目数量是12,921部，而不是1994年的8074部，主要来自美国，（哈，杨，2002：75）。The one-way flow of cultural production from the developed countries, in particular the US, to the developing countries, was apparent in Korea until the mid-1990s. 文化产品从发达国家特别是美国，向发展中国家单向流动，在韩国，直到20世纪90年代中期明显。

Reshaping cultural products flow重塑文化产品流

The one-way flow of US films and television programs temporarily decreased in Korea between the late 1990s and the early years of the 21st century. After the

mid-1990s, Korea reduced foreign audiovisual products in the national cultural market, while increasing its production and exports of domestic cultural products. 美国电影和电视节目的单向流动的暂时减少在韩国20世纪90年代后期和21世纪初的几年间。20世纪90年代中期以后，韩国在国内文化市场上减少外国音像制品的进口，同时提高国内文化产品的生产和出口。 In particular, imports of foreign television programs significantly decreased in the post-1997 economic crisis era. 特别是在1997年后经济危机时代，外国电视节目的进口显着下降。According to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Korea (2002a), imported television programs from other countries decreased 70.5 percent by dollar value between 1996 and 2001, from $69.3 million in 1996 to $20.4 million in 2001. 据韩国文化和旅游部（2002a），在1996年和2001年之间，从其他国家进口的电视节目以美元计算价值下降70.5％，从1996年的$69.3百万美元，到2001年的20.4百万美元。Cable television companies’ imports decreased dramatically, reflecting their financial deficits after the 1997 economic crisis. 有线电视公司的进口大幅下降，反映了1997年经济危机后的财政赤字。The total amount of imports of cable television companies decreased 91.8 percent in the same period, compared to 47.4 percent for terrestrial television channels (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2002b:1–2). 有线电视公司的进口总额同期下降91.8％，地面电视为47.4％（文化和旅游部，2002年b:1-2）。

There are several significant causes for the decrease in television program imports, including the 1997 economic crisis and the increase in the number of domestic program producers. 在电视节目的进口下降的重要原因有几个，其中包括1997年的经济危机和国内节目制作数量的增加。The 1997 economic crisis influenced the popular cultural market as well as the financial markets because the broadcasting industry needed to cut down on foreign television programs due to

budget cuts (Jin, forthcoming). 1997年经济危机影响的流行文化市场以及金融市场，由于削减预算，广播业需要减少对外国的电视节目进口（金，即将出版）。Broadcasting companies had no choice but to take cost-cutting measures as dwindling advertising revenues put them in financial trouble. 广播公司别无选择，只能采取削减成本的措施，作为日益减少的广告收入，他们陷入财务困境。Forced to trim costs, three terrestrial broadcasting companies – KBS, MBC and SBS – reduced broadcasting airtime by two hours in January 1998 while also reducing their foreign program imports (Kwak, 1998). 被迫削减成本，3个地面广播公司 - KBS，MBC和SBS - 在1998年1月减少了两个小时的广播，同时也减少了其进口外国节目（郭某，1998年）。The total units of imported television programs in 2001, therefore, were 4581, about one-third of the number in 1995 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2002b). 因此，在2001年总进口的电视节目的数量为4581，约占1995年数量的三分之一（文化和旅游部，2002年b）。

Meanwhile, the amount of audiovisual products produced domestically has rapidly grown with the development of the Korean media industry in the post-1997 economic crisis era. 与此同时，伴随韩国媒体产业在1997年经济危机时代后的发展，国内生产的音像制品的数量已迅速成长。The Korean media industry has increased its production, including television programs, and Korea has increased its exports of cultural products across the world, particularly in East and Southeast Asia, because ‘the reorganized communication apparatus, in turn, furnished unprecedented supranational cultural product’ (Miege, 1989: 21). 韩国媒体产业已增加其产量，包括电视节目，因为“重组了通信设备，又提供了前所未有的超国家的文化产品”，韩国已经在世界各地增加其文化产品的出口，特别是在东亚和东南亚（miege，1989：21）。Increasing export of cultural products is also a result of diversified

product sourcing, which has come about through transnationalized investment, the increase in new domestic producers, and co-production between broadcasters in different countries (Schiller, 2003), as will be explained in detail later. 提高文化产品的出口也是一个多元化的产品贸易的结果，这是通过跨区域投资，增加新的国内生产商，并在不同国家广播公司之间联合制作（席勒，2003年），将在后面详细解释。

Under these circumstances, the total amount of television program exports increased nearly nine-fold between 1997 and 2004, from $8.3 million in 1997 to $71.5 million in 2004 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2005). 在这种情况下，电视节目出口总额在1997年和2004年之间增加了近9倍，从1997年的8.3百万美元到2004年71.5百万美元（文化和旅游部，2005年）。Exports of television programs in 2002 exceeded imports of television programs for the first time in history. 电视节目的出口在2002年，在历史上首次超过进口的电视节目。Among television program exports, soap operas accounted for the largest share (76.8%) in 2002, followed by animation (8.9%), entertainment (5.5%) and documentaries (1.8%). These Korean television programs penetrated China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Japan and Hong Kong, although Korean television programs were rarely broadcast abroad a decade ago. 其中出口电视节目，肥皂剧在2002年占最大份额（76.8％），动画（8.9％），娱乐（5.5％）和纪录片（1.8％）。这些韩国的电视节目出口到中国，台湾，越南，日本和香港，虽然十年前韩国的电视节目很少被广播到国外。

The popularity of Korea’s television programs in Asia also functioned to expedite exports of other audiovisual products, such as films and music, because many broadcasters and audiences in Asia gradually became interested in Korean audiovisual products through viewing Korean television programs (Jin,

forthcoming). 韩国的电视节目在亚洲的普及也运作加快，如电影和音乐，其他音像制品的出口，因为亚洲的许多广播公司和观众逐渐成为通过观看韩国电视节目（金，即将出版），而对韩国音像制品感兴趣。The nascent Korean cultural products boom in these countries has been further bolstered by the advance of Korean movies and, more than anything else, Korean pop music (K-pop), which often incorporates dynamic rhythms and powerful dances by the artists (Choe, 2002). 由韩国电影的进步，已进一步巩固了新生的韩国文化产品在这些国家的繁荣，尤其是韩国流行音乐（K-pop），这往往采用动态节奏和强劲的舞蹈（2002年，崔）。 For instance, Boa, one of Korea’s young pop artists, had hits with four singles in Japan, and launched her first album in Tokyo in 2002 (Ward, 2002: 12). 例如，宝儿，韩国的年轻艺人之一，在日本有四支单曲的点击，她在东京的第一张专辑在2002年推出（沃德，2002：12）。

Reasons for the growth of Korean cultural products

韩国文化产品的增长的原因

한국 문화 상품의 성장 이유

There are several dimensions to the rise in the exports of Korean audiovisual products in Asia: diverse product sourcing;在亚洲的韩国音像制品的出口上升有几个方面：多样化的产品来源; 아시아에서 한국 시청각 제품의 수출 증가에 대한 몇 가지 차원이 있습니다 : 다양한 제품 소싱은;the cultural proximity of East and Southeast Asia; 东亚和东南亚的文化接近; 동아시아와 동남 아시아의 문화적 근접; economic and technological development of the region; 该地区的经济和技术发展; 지역의 경제 및 기술 개발; changes in media policies in the region; 在该地区的媒体政策的

变化; 지역의 언론 정책의 변화; and political and historical considerations. 政治和历史因素。정치와 역사적인 고려 사항. To begin with, Korea has developed new local producers, and they have produced better programs because of strong competition among them over the last several years. 首先，韩国开发新的本地生产商，过去几年，他们已经产生更好的节目，因为它们之间存在着强有力的竞争。우선, 한국은 새로운 지역의 생산자를 개발했다, 그들 때문에 지난 몇 년간 그 중 강력한 경쟁 나은 프로그램을 제작했습니다. As Herbert Schiller pointed out (1989:42), numerous small regional and local producers have begun to play significant roles in producing nationally acclaimed materials. 正如赫伯特·席勒（1989:42）指出，许多小的区域和当地生产商在制作出获得全国称赞的节目方面已经开始扮演重要的角色。허버트 쉴러 (1989:42)를 지적한 바와 같이, 수많은 소규모 지역 및 현지 생산자는 전국적으로 명성 물질을 생산에 중요한 역할을하기 시작했습니다.

In Korea, the three network broadcasters dominated television program production and their exports. 在韩国，三个网络广播公司控制着电视节目制作和出口。 한국에서 세 개의 네트워크 방송사들은 TV 프로그램의 생산과 수출을 주도. In 2001 KBS,MBC and SBS accounted for 90.6 percent of television program exports, including programs produced for these companies by independent producers (Korea Press Foundation, 2002: 302). 在2001年KBS，MBC和SBS出口的电视节目占90.6％，包括独立制片人为这些公司制作的节目（韩国新闻基金会，2002：302）。 2001 KBS에서 MBC와 SBS는 독립적인 생산자 (: 302 한국 언론 재단, 2002)에 의해 이러한 회사에서 만든 프로그램을 포함하여 텔레비전 프로그램 수출의 90.6 %를 차지했다. Unlike independent producers and cable broadcasters, these network broadcasters have the corporate stability and experience to produce diverse programs and to set up region-wide marketing strategies. 不同于独立制片人和有线

广播公司，这些网络广播公司有稳定的企业和经验，产生多种多样的节目，并制定全区域的营销策略。독립 제작사와 케이블 방송사와는 달리, 이러한 네트워크 방송사는 다양한 프로그램을 제작하고 지역 차원의 마케팅 전략을 설정하는 기업 안정성과 경험이 있습니다. In particular, they have been able to draw upon their long experience in overseas selling, so they became exporters of television programs. 特别是，他们已经能够借鉴他们长期在海外销售的经验，使他们成为电视节目的出口商。특히, 해외 판매에서의 오랜 경험에 따라 그릴 수 있었다, 그래서 그들은 TV 프로그램의 수출이되었습니다.

However, network broadcasters were not the sole players. 然而，网络广播是不是唯一的选手。그러나, 네트워크 방송사가 단독 플레이어 아니었다. Many independent producers also played key roles in producing television programs for network or cable channels, and thereafter television program exports. 许多独立制片人在生产网络电视或有线电视，并在其后的电视节目出口中也起到了关键作用。 많은 독립적인 생산자는 또한 네트워 크나 케이블 채널, 이후 TV 프로그램 수출을위한 TV 프로그램 제작의 핵심 역할을. As of the end of March 2003, there were as many as 349 independent television program production companies, as opposed to only eight independent producers in the late 1980s. 截至2003年3月底，有多达349独立电视节目制作公司，而在20世纪80年代末只有八个独立制片人。1980 년대 후반에 단지 8 개의 독립적인 생산자의 반대로 2003 년 3 월 말 기준으로 많은 349과 같은 독립적인 텔레비전 프로그램 제작 회사가있었습니다. According to the Korea Independent Productions Association (2003), the majority of independent production companies are venture capital or show business companies, or former television producers for terrestrial broadcasters. 据韩国独立制作协会（2003年），大部分独立制作公司是风险投资，或娱乐业公司，或前地面广播电视节目制作人。 한국 독립

프로덕션 협회 (2003)에 따르면, 독립 제작 회사의 대다수 벤처 캐피탈거나 지상파 방송사에 대한 비즈니스 기업이나 전직 텔레비전 프로듀서를 보여줍니다. Several independent production companies are also affiliates of network broadcasters, including MBC MCNet and SBS DreamMedia. 一些独立的生产企业也加入到网络广播公司，包括MBC的MCNet和SBS DreamMedia。여러 독립적인 생산 업체는 또한 MBC와 SBS MCNet DreamMedia 포함한 네트워크 방송사의 계열사입니다. These independent program producers were able to produce 98,137 hour-long programs per year and employed 7416 people in 2001 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2002a: 738). 这些独立的节目制作人，每年能够生产98137小时长的节目，2001年就雇佣了7416人，（文化和旅游部，2002年a：738）。이러한 독립적인 프로그램 제작자는 연간 9만8천1백37시간 긴 프로그램을 만들 수있었습니다 및 2001 (문화 관광부, 2002a : 738)에 7천4백16명 고용. The number of independent producers increased because, according to the Broadcasting Act Enforcement Ordinance (Article 58), up to 40 percent of the programs aired by the network broadcasters have to be produced by independent producers, in order to develop domestic audiovisual industries. 独立制片人数量增加的原因是根据“广播法”实施条例“（第58条），高达40％的通过网络广播电视播出的节目必须由独立制片人制作的，以发展国内音像行业。독립 제작자들의 숫자가 방송 법안의 시행령 (제 58)에 따라, 때문에 증가, 네트워크 방송사가 방송 프로그램의 최대 40 %가 국내 시청각 산업을 개발하기 위해 독립적인 생산자에 의해 생산해야합니다.

The rapid growth in the number of independent producers has contributed to an increase in the quality of programs and exports of television programs. 独立制片人的数量的快速增长为增加电视节目和电视节目的出口质量作出了贡献。독립적인 생산자의 수가 급속한 성장은 프로그램과 TV 프로그램의 수출의 질을 증가에

기여했다. Network broadcasters aired many television programs produced by independent producers, and exported them to other countries under their brands. 网络广播电台播出了许多独立制作电视节目，并根据自己的品牌出口到其他国家。네트워크 방송사는 독립적인 생산자에 의해 생산되는 많은 TV 프로그램을 방송하고, 자신의 브랜드 아래에서 다른 나라로 수출. Terrestrial television companies strategically used these independent producers because their production costs are lower than those in their own companies. 地面电视公司战略性地使用这些独立制片人，因为他们的生产成本比自己的公司低。그들의 생산 비용이 자신의 기업에 비해 낮은이기 때문에 지상파 텔레비전 회사들은 전략적으로 이러한 독립적인 생산자를 사용했습니다. For instance, the cost per production hour for independent producers was $20,000, but $63,000 for network broadcasters by the end of 2002 (Yang, 2003: 8). 例如，每生产1小时的费用独立制片人是20000美元，但在2002年底网络广播公司的费用是每小时63000美元（杨，2003 :8）。예를 들어, 독립적인 생산자에 대한 생산 시간당 비용 2002 (: 8 양, 2003) 년 말까지 20,000달러하지만, 네트워크 방송사에 대한 63,000달러했습니다.

Co-production strategies between Korean broadcasters and broadcasters in other East Asian countries have also been a new way of sourcing product, because joint productions appear to have real profit potential for those broadcasters (Yang, 2003). 与韩国广播公司和其他东亚国家广播公司合作生产的战略也得到了采购产品的新途径，因为联合制作出现对广播公司似乎有真正的盈利潜力（杨，2003年）。공동 제작은 해당 방송사에 대한 실제 수익 잠재력 (양, 2003)을 가지고있는 것 같습니다 있기 때문에 한국어 방송과 다른 동아시아 국가의 방송사 간의 공동 생산 전략은 또한, 소싱 제품의 새로운 방법되었습니다. Korean broadcasters found new partners, and were able to circulate their products in East Asia effectively through their partner

producers in their own countries. 在东亚，韩国广播公司找到新的合作伙伴，通过他们的合作伙伴能够有效地使他们的产品在合作伙伴自己的国家流通。한국어 방송은 새로운 파트너를 발견하고, 자신의 국가에서 자신의 파트너 제작자를 통해 효과적으로 동아시아에서 자신의 제품을 순환 수 있었다. Several network broadcasters and film firms in East Asia provided essential services for Korean production companies, while distributing television dramas produced in Korea in their own countries. 几个在东亚的网络广播公司和电影公司为韩国生产企业提供必要的服务，而韩国的电视剧则在自己的国家制作。자신의 국가에서 국내에서 생산되는 텔레비전 드라마를 배포하는 동안 동아시아의 여러 네트워크 방송사 및 필름 회사는, 한국 제조 기업을위한 필수적인 서비스를 제공했습니다. The three Korean network broadcasters have also adopted co-production strategies in recent years: 近年来，三个韩国网络广播公司还采用合作生产战略：세 한국어 네트워크 방송사는 또한 최근 몇 년 동안 공동 생산 전략을 채택했습니다 : MBC and TBS (Japan), MBC and Fuji TV (Japan), KBS and CCTV (China), and SBS and Jet Tone Film (Hong Kong) began to coproduce television programs, mainly dramas, beginning in 2001 (HanKook Ilbo,2001; Kim,2001). 从2001年开始，MBC和TBS（日本），MBC和富士电视台（日本），KBS和CCTV（中国），SBS和泽东电影（香港）合作拍摄电视节目，以电视剧为主，（HANKOOK日报“，2001年; 金，2001年）。MBC와 TBS (일본), MBC와 후지 TV (일본), KBS와 CCTV (중국), 그리고 SBS와 제트 톤 필름 (홍콩) 2001 년부터 TV 프로그램, 주로 드라마를 협력 촬영 시작. In most cases, partner broadcasters invested the same amount of production costs and the same number of actors and actresses, and the co-produced dramas were broadcast at the same time in both countries; 在大多数情况下，合伙的广播公司投入相同数量的资金和相同数量的演员，并且联合制作的电视剧在这两个国家同一时间播出; 대부분의 경우, 파트너 방송사는 생산 비용의 동일한 금액과 배우 같은 번호를 투자하고, 공동 제작 드라마는 두 나라에서 동시에

방송되었다; because of different production costs between countries, the content of the contracts varied (Jin, forthcoming). 因为不同国家之间的生产成本的不同，合同的内容各不相同（金，即将出版）。때문에 국가 간의 서로 다른 생산 비용으로 인해 계약의 내용은 (진, 향후의) 변화. For example, for the drama Shower, the second jointly produced drama between MBC and Fuji TV, Fuji TV invested $2.8 million, while MBC spent only $400,000 in 2002 (Moon, 2002). 例如，对于电视剧《淋浴》，2002年MBC和富士电视台第二个联合制作的电视剧，富士电视台投资280万美元，而MBC电视台花费仅为$ 400,000（月球，2002年）。MBC는 2002에 단지 $ 40 만 소비하면서 예를 들어, 드라마 샤워를 위해, 두 번째는 공동으로 MBC와 후지 TV 사이의 드라마를 제작, 후지 TV는 2백80만달러를 투자(달, 2002). In the 1990s, a few documentaries were produced by the co-production system between KBS and NHK in Japan. 在20世纪90年代，一些纪录片由KBS和日本NHK的合作生产系统制作完成。1990 년 소수의 다큐멘터리가 일본에서 KBPS과 NHK와의 공동 제작 시스템에 의해 생산되었다.

However, it is a very recent trend that broadcasters in Korea and other countries produce dramas together. 然而，韩国和其他国家的广播电台共同制作电视剧是一个非常现代的流行趋势。그러나 한국과 다른 나라의 방송이 함께 드라마를 만드는 것이 아주 최근의 추세이다. This type of co-production will increase in the near future because of successes in terms of viewer ratings for the first few dramas, and hence

increased

advertising

revenues.

In

this

regard,由于在最初的几个电视剧的收视方面的成功，在不久的将来，这种类型的合作生产将增加，从而增加了广告收入。공동 제작이 유형의 처음 몇 드라마에 대한 시청자 평가 면에서 때문에 성공 가까운 미래에 증가하고, 따라서 광고 수익을 증가됩니다. Dan Schiller points out: 丹·席勒指出：댄 쉴러가 지적한 :

… today’s multidirectional and somewhat more multicultural programming streams in turn are symptoms of a dual political-economic shift: 反过来今天的多方位和较为多元节目数据流是双重的政治经济转换的表现：차례 오늘날의 다중 방향성과 다소 다문화 프로그램 스트림 듀얼 정치 경제적 변화의 증상입니다： that transnationalized investment, product sourcing, and distribution patterns are being actively and extensively forged; 跨国投资，产品采购，分布格局正在积极和广泛的建造; 그 다국적 데이빗 투자, 제품 소싱 및 유통 패턴 적극적으로하고 광범위하게 위조되고있다; and that culture industry programs are assembling most-desired audiences in new and increasingly comprehensive ways, mainly to suit the needs of global advertisers. (2003: 140) 观众最渴望的文化产业项目，正在被新的和越来越全面的方式组建，主要是为了满足全球广告客户的需求（2003：140）。 해당 문화 산업 프로그램은 주로 글로벌 광고주의 요구에 맞게, 새롭고 점점 더 포괄적인 방법으로 가장 원하는 고객을 조립하고 있습니다 (2003 : 140).

Meanwhile, cultural elements have emerged as factors of comparative advantage in building up the Asian markets for audiovisual products. 同时，在建立亚洲音像制品市场方面，文化因素已成为比较优势的因素。한편, 문화적 요소는 시청각 제품에 대한 아시아 시장을 구축에 비교 우위 요소로 대두되었습니다. Korean distributors commonly claim that the most important factor behind the popularity of Korean dramas in China and Taiwan is the similarity of these countries’ cultures. For example, the hit series To See You Again and Again, which aired in several East Asian countries, revolves around heart-warming stories of three generations living together under one roof. 韩国分销商通常声称，韩剧在中国大陆和台湾的流行背后的最重要因素是这些国家的文化相似性。例如，在一些东亚国家播出热播剧使你一次又一次的观看，三代人围绕着一个温馨的故事共同生活在一个屋檐下。한국어 유통은 일반적으로

중국과 대만의 한국 드라마의 인기 뒤에있는 가장 중요한 요소가이 나라의 문화가 유사하다고 주장한다. 예를 들어, 히트 시리즈는있는가, 몇몇 동아시아 국가에서 방영 한 지붕 아래 함께 사는 3 세대에 걸친 심장 - 온난 화 이야기를 중심으로 돌아가지는, 다시하고 다시 만나서. As Soo Hui Lee, vice-president of programming for Singapore’s terrestrial Channel U points out, ‘the audiences enjoy Korean dramas because they are so familiar yet not quite, so that they aren’t boring’(Yoon, 2001). 作为新加坡的陆地U频道节目副总裁李洙慧，指出，“观众喜欢韩剧，因为剧情是那么的熟悉又不枯燥”（尹，2001）。지수 귀 리, 싱가포르의 지상파 채널 U를위한 프로그래밍의 부회장이 지적한 바와 같이, (윤, 2001) '은 아직 매우 잘 알고있다 때문에 관객들은 지루한되지 않도록, 한국 드라마를 즐겨'.

In addition, many people in Asia still find American and Japanese cultures irrelevant to their reality, and feel uncomfortable with their emphasis on violence and sex, although many Asian countries are ready to accept Western values. 此外，在亚洲的许多人仍然认为美国和日本的文化，与他们的实际情况不相符，注重暴力和色情让他们感觉不舒服，虽然许多亚洲国家准备接受西方的价值观。많은 아시아 국가가 서양의 가치를 받아들일 준비가되어 있지만 이외에도, 아시아의 많은 사람들은 여전히 그들의 현실에 대한 미국과 일본의 문화가 관련성이없는 찾고, 폭력과 섹스에 대한 그들의 강조하는 불편 느낍니다. Se-Min Han, director of SM Entertainment, a major producer of Korean pop music, stated in an interview with the Financial Times: 硒韩敏，SM娱乐公司的董事，韩国流行音乐的主要生产者，在接受“金融时报”记者采访时表示：SE-최소 한, SM 엔터테인먼트 이사, 파이낸셜 타임즈와의 인터뷰에서 언급한 한국어 대중 음악의 주요 생산자 :

When Western music labels and film studios were scrambling to enter the

world’s fastest-growing communication market, Korean companies have crucial advantages that could allow them to snare China’s audiences because Korea is so close because of the two countries’ cultural links, which emphasize large family and values of filial duty. (Ward, 2002: 12) 当西方的音乐工作室和电影制片厂都争先恐后进入世界上增长最快的通信市场时，韩国企业有强大的优势，他们可以抓住中国的观众，因为韩中两国的文化联系密切，都强调大家庭和孝道价值观。 （沃德，2002：12） 한국이 때문에 큰 가족을 강조하는 두 나라의 문화 링크, 너무 가까이 있기 때문에 서양 음악 레이블 및 영화 스튜디오는 세계에서 가장 빠르게 성장하는 통신 시장 진출 다툼을 때, 한국 기업들은 올무 중국의 관객들에게시킬 수있는 중요한 장점을 가지고 자식으로서의 의무감과 가치. (구, 2002 : 12)

More importantly, one of the primary causes of the increase in sales of Korean television programs in the region is the strong demand for products in the rapidly growing audiovisual sectors in these countries. 更重要的是，韩国电视节目，在该地区的销售增长的主要原因之一是这些国家快速增长的视听行业对产品的强劲需求所致。보다 중요한 것은 지역 한국 TV 프로그램의 매출 증가의 주요 원인 중 하나는 이들 국가의 급성장 시청각 분야의 제품에 대한 수요이다. China imports Korean cultural programs because the swiftly growing media industries need content to broadcast on their new channels. 中国进口的韩国文化节目迅速增长，是因为媒体播出的内容需要新的节目来源。신속히 성장하고 미디어 산업들이 새로운 채널에 방송 콘텐츠를해야하기 때문에 중국은 한국 문화 프로그램을 가져옵니다. China, with its growing broadcasting system, has rapidly emerged as the largest cultural market in Asia and this has greatly helped Korea to export its cultural products to China. 中国，其日益增长的广电系统，已迅速成为亚洲最大的文化市场，这大大有助于韩国向中国出口文化产品。중국은 그것의 성장 방송 시스템과 함께 급속하게 아시아 최대의

문화 시장으로 부상하고있다 그리고 이것은 크게 중국에 문화 상품을 수출하는 한국있었습니다. In 1997 China accounted for a mere 5.8 percent of Korean television programming sales, but in 2001 it accounted for 24.8 percent, valued at $2.7 million, followed by Taiwan (20.5%, $2.49 million), and became the largest importer of Korean programs (Korea Broadcasting Committee, 2002). 1997年，韩语电视节目销售，中国仅占5.8％，但到2001年，占到24.8％，价值$2.7百万美元，其次是台湾（20.5％，$2.49百万美元），中国成为韩国节目最大的进口国（韩国广播事务委员会，2002）。1997 년 중국은 한국 텔레비전 프로그램 매출의 불과 5.8 %를 차지하지만, 2001 년에 그것은 대만 (20.5 %, 2백49만달러) 다음 2,700,000달러, 상당, 24.8 %를 차지, 한국어 프로그램의 가장 큰 수입 (한국되었다 방송위원회, 2002). In 1999, when China was the largest importer of Korean television programs, program exports to China stood at 29 percent, and even outpaced Japan (24.9%) and Taiwan (11%), which traditionally had earned the larger share (Byun, 1999). 在1999年时，中国是韩国电视节目的最大进口国，韩国向中国出口的计划为29％，甚至超过了日本（24.9％）和台湾（11％），传统上赢得了较大的份额（卞，1999年）。1999 년 중국 (Bian, 한국 TV 프로그램의 가장 큰 수입은 일본 (24.9 %)과 대만 (11 %)보다 더 29% 위해 중국으로 수출, 전통적으로 큰 점유율을 수상했다 계획 1999 년).

Broadcasting companies in China in the 1990s indeed grew so rapidly that here was not enough television programming to meet their demand; thus many television broadcasters turned their eyes to foreign programs. 由于中国广播公司在20世纪90年代确实如此地迅速增长，没有足够的电视节目来满足他们的需求，因此许多电视台把他们的目光投向了国外。1990 년대 중국에서 방송 업체들은 참으로 여기 그들의 수요를 충족시킬만큼 TV 프로그램이 아니란걸 너무 급격히 성장, 따라서 많은 텔레비전 방송사 외국 프로그램에 눈을 돌렸어요. They first found programs

for their channels in Japan, but later turned to Korea because Chinese programming buyers were diversifying import sources away from Japan, which was the largest exporter of television shows in Asia (Ha and Yang,2002). 他们首次发现了其在日本的渠道方案，但后来转向韩国，中国的节目买家因为进口节目来源多元化，逐渐远离了日本这个电视节目在亚洲最大的出口国（厦和杨，2002年）。그들은 먼저 일본에서 자신의 채널에 대한 프로그램을 찾았는데, 중국어 프로그래밍 구매자가 떨어진 아시아의 텔레비전 프로그램의 가장 큰 수출국 (하와 양, 2002)였던 일본에서 수입 소스를 다변화했기 때문에 나중에 한국으로 향했다. In the eyes of Chinese buyers, the quality of current Korean programs is almost as good as that of Japanese dramas, especially with noticeable improvements in Korean shows over the past years, but the price is far cheaper (Byun,1999). 在中国买家的眼里，目前韩国节目的质量与日本电视剧几乎一样好，在近几年，韩剧质量明显改善，但价格要便宜得多（卞，1999）。중국어 구매자의 눈에는, 현재 한국어 프로그램의 품질은 특히 지난 몇 년간 한국어 공연에서 눈에 띄는 개선과 함께, 일본 드라마의 거의 좋지만, 가격 (Byun, 1999) 훨씬 저렴합니다. In fact, in 2000 the unit price of a Japanese drama was $5000–$8000 in the global television trade market; however, the unit price of a Korean drama was only $1326 in 2001 (Kim, 2003; Ko, 2002). 事实上，2000年在全球电视行业市场上的日剧单价为5000 - 8000美元，然而，2001年的韩国电视剧单价只有1326美元（2003，金柯，2002年）。실제로, 2000 년 일본 드라마의 단위 가격은 5 천 달러였다 - 글로벌 텔레비전 무역 시장에서 8,000달러 있지만, 한국 드라마의 단가는 2001에서만 1,326달러 (; 코, 2002 김, 2003)였다.

In sum, the growth in domestic audiovisual products produced by many broadcasting companies has resulted in the spread of Korea’s cultural products throughout the Asian region. 总之，在韩国国内许多广播公司制作的音像制品的增长导

致整个亚洲地区的韩国文化产品的传播。요컨대, 많은 방송 업체가 생산되는 국내 시청각 제품의 성장은 아시아 지역에 걸쳐 한국의 문화 상품의 확산을 초래하고있다. Domestic films, television programs and music have gained popularity as cultural commodities in several parts of Asia. Korea has begun to play a key role in the emerging cultural market in Asia. 国内电影、电视节目和音乐作品作为文化商品在亚洲的几个地区已获得知名度，韩国已开始在亚洲新兴文化市场中发挥了关键作用。This has occurred because the Korean media industry has cultivated demand as well as the cultural affinities in the region. 发生这种情况，是由韩国媒体产业培育出的市场需求，以及在该地区的文化亲和力所致。한국 미디어 산업이 수요뿐만 아니라 지역의 문화적 동질성을 재배했기 때문에이 발생했습니다. However, it is also necessary to take into account the rapid development of media industries in several Asian countries, and hence the swift growth in the consumption of cultural products during the same period. 然而，也有必要考虑到一些亚洲国家媒体行业的迅猛发展和同一时期在文化产品消费上的快速增长。그러나, 그것은 또한 계정으로 여러 아시아 국가에서 미디어 산업의 급속한 발전, 그리고 따라서 같은 기간 동안 문화 상품의 소비에 신속한 성장을 취할 필요가 있습니다. Regional politics, governments’ cultural policies and growing cultural markets also play pivotal roles in the flow of Korean cultural product in Asia. 韩国文化产品在亚洲的流行，区域的政治、政府的文化政策和日益增长的文化市场也扮演举足轻重的角色。지역 정치, 정부의 문화 정책과 성장, 문화 시장은 또한 아시아에서 한국 문화 상품의 흐름에 중추적인 역할을 재생합니다.

Reinterpretation of the cultural imperialism thesis

文化帝国主义论点的解读

문화 제국주의 논점 의 해독 됐 다

With the rapid growth in production of domestic television programs, Korea seems to have escaped from the dominance of the cultural imperialism. 随着国内电视节目的生产快速增长，韩国似乎已经脱离了占主导地位的文化帝国主义。국내 TV 프로그램의 제작의 급속한 성장과 한국은 문화 제국주의의 지배에서 탈출 것 같습니다. Arguably, Korea is becoming an emerging television program market that provides television programs, services and films across borders and regions, as in a few Latin American and Asian countries. 可以说，韩国已成为一个新兴的电视节目市场，向一些拉丁美洲和亚洲国家提供电视节目、服务和跨越国界和地区的电影。확실하게, 한국은 TV 프로그램, 서비스 및 몇몇 라틴 아메리카와 아시아 국가에서와 같은 국경과 지역에 걸쳐 영화를 제공 신흥 텔레비전 프로그램 시장에서 부상하고 있습니다. With these new trends, several media scholars and media have asserted that the cultural imperialism thesis could no longer be defended in Korea. 有了这些新的趋势，一些媒体和学者声称，文化帝国主义的论点再也无法在韩国被辩护（存在）。이러한 새로운 경향으로 여러 미디어 학자와 언론은 문화 제국주의의 논문이 더 이상 한국에서 옹호하지 수 있다고 주장했습니다. As counter-imperialism theorists argue, Korea may currently be defending its way of life and in some respects shares its cultural products with the rest of Asia. 作为反帝国主义的理论家们认为，韩国目前可以捍卫自己的生活方式，在某些方面与亚洲其他地区分享他的文化产品。카운터 제국주의의 이론가들이 주장으로서 한국은 현재 삶의 나름대로 방어와 일부 측면에서 아시아의 나머지와 함께 문화 상품을 함께 나눈 수 있습니다.

Several events, however, demonstrate that cultural imperialism has not disappeared from Korea. 然而，几个事件证明文化帝国主义没有从韩国消失。몇몇

이벤트는 그러나, 문화 제국주의가 한국에서 사라진되지 않았음을 보여줍니다. First, Western dominance in the global cultural market, including in Korea, has not decreased at all. 首先，西方文化在全球市场的主导地位，包括在韩国，所有并没有减少。한국을 포함한 세계 문화 시장에서 첫째로, 서양의 지배는 전혀 감소하지 않았습니다. The US-based or US-owned cultural industries have greatly expanded their dominance of cultural products and capital over the last decade. 在过去的十年，总部设在美国或美国拥有的文化产业已经极大地扩大了他们文化产品和资本的优势。미국 기반이나 미국 소유의 문화 산업은 크게 지난 10 년 동안 문화 상품과 자본의 자신의 지배력을 확대했다. Although several transnational corporations (TNCs), including Sony in Japan, News Corporation in Australia and Vivendi in France, have become major media corporations in the US, this does not change cultural imperialism because they too are Western countries. 虽然一些跨国公司,包括索尼在日本, 澳大利亚新闻集团和法国威望迪公司已经成为美国的主要的媒体公司,这不会改变文化帝国主义,因为他们也是西方国家。일본의 소니, 호주와 프랑스의 Vivendi의 뉴스 코퍼레이션 (News Corporation) 등 여러 다국적 기업 (TNCs)가, 미국에서 주요 미디어 기업이되었습니다 있지만 그들도 서방 국가이기 때문에, 여기는 문화 제국주의를 변경하지 않습니다. These TNCs have extended their cultural influence worldwide as US-based transnational media giants. 作为全球总部设在美国的跨国媒体巨头，这些跨国公司已经延伸了他们的文化影响力。이러한 TNCs은 미국 기반의 다국적 미디어 거인과 같은 세계적으로 자신의 문화적 영향력을 확대했습니다. Western, and particularly American, dominance has increased more rapidly than the influence of a few regional producers. 西方，尤其是美国，优势增长比少数地区生产者的影响更为迅速。서양, 특히 미국, 우세 몇 지역 생산에 미치는 영향보다 더 빠르게 증가하고 있습니다. Moreover, the organization of the world market system by transnational capital has encouraged massive capital flows into many of the

former Third World states. 此外，跨国资本的世界市场体系的组织，鼓励资本大规模的流动到许多原第三世界国家。또한, 다국적 자본에 의한 세계 시장 체제의 조직은 이전의 제 3 세계 국가의 많은으로 대규모 자본 흐름을 격려했다.

Indeed, the US has maintained its global cultural domination over the last 15 years, just as it did over the last several decades. 事实上，美国在过去15年一直保持其在全球的文化统治，就像它在过去几十年中所做的一样。실제로 미국은 지난 몇 년간 그랬던 것처럼 지난 15 년간 글로벌 문화의 지배를 유지하고 있습니다. The rise of cable and satellite television channels as well as terrestrial television channels in Europe, Latin America and Asia has expedited the opening of national markets for foreign producers and distributors, in particular those from the US. 有线电视和卫星电视频道以及地面电视频道在欧洲，拉丁美洲和亚洲的崛起，加快了韩国国内市场对外国生产商和经销商的开放，特别是那些来自美国的生产商和经销商。케이블 및 위성 TV 채널뿐만 아니라 유럽, 라틴 아메리카와 아시아의 지상파 TV 채널의 증가는 미국에서 나온 특히, 외국 생산자와 유통 업체에 대한 국내 시장의 개방을 신속했다. Among these markets, East Asia has had the largest number of television sets since the mid1990s, so the US has focused on this emerging lucrative market as its main trading partner for television programs and films. 在这些市场中，上世纪90年代中期以来，东亚拥有的电视机数量最多，因此美国一直集中在这个新兴的利润丰厚的市场上，把他作为其电视节目和电影的主要贸易伙伴。이러한 시장 중에서 동아시아는 mid1990s 이후 텔레비전 세트의 가장 큰 숫자를 가지고있다, 그래서 미국은 텔레비전 프로그램과 영화를위한 주요 무역 상대국으로이 신흥 시장의 수익성에 집중하고있다. Needless to say, a few communication giants are dominant both politically and ideologically, and are therefore able to impose their will on people in developing countries (McChesney, 1999: 6). 不用说，几个通信巨头在政治和意识形态是占优势，因

此能够以自己的意志强加给发展中国家的人民（麦克切斯尼，1999：6）。말할 필요도없이, 몇 통신 거인은 모두 정치와 사상 지배적이며, 따라서 (McChesney, 1999 : 6) 개발 도상국에서 사람들의 의지를 부과하실 수 있습니다. The global export market for television programs and films was the province of a handful of mostly US-owned or US-based production and distribution firms, although there were several emerging domestic producers in many of the communication industries (McChesney, 1999). 虽然有一些新兴的国内通信生产企业，但电视节目和电影的全球出口市场仍是由少数的美国拥有或总部设在美国的生产和销售的企业所控制，（麦克切斯尼，1999年）。여러 신흥 국내 생산 업체가 통신 산업 (McChesney, 1999) 많은에 도착했지만 TV 프로그램과 영화를위한 글로벌 수출 시장은 주로 미국 소유 또는 미국 기반의 생산 및 유통 기업의 소수의 지방했습니다.

According to the US Department of Commerce (2002), US film and television program exports in current dollar terms were valued at slightly over $1 billion in 1985 and $2 billion in 1990. 美国商务部（2002）根据美国电影和电视节目出口量，按当前美元汇率计算，1985年价值高于10亿美元，1990年为20亿美元。미국 상무부 (2002)에 따르면, 현재의 달러 측면에서 미국 영화와 텔레비전 프로그램 수출은 약간 넘는 1,985 $ 1 억 1990 20 억 달러 상당했다. However, in 2001, the US exported about $7.5 billion in 1999 and $9.17 billion worth of film and television programs to the world. US exports thus increased as much as nine times between 1985 and 2001. 然而，在1999年和2001年，美国出口75亿美元和91.7亿美元的电影和电视节目到世界各地。从1985年和2001年，美国的出口增长高达9倍。그러나 2001

년,

미국은

세계

영화와

텔레비전

프로그램의

가치에

대한

7,500,000,000달러에서 1999 9,170,000,000달러 수출. 미국 수출함으로써 1985 년과 2001 년 사이에 많은 구 등 배 증가했습니다. Most of this large jump, again,

could be attributed to increased exports of US television programs to new channels in foreign countries. 再次，最重要的是，这个大的跳跃可以归因于美国电视节目在国外出口新渠道的增加。큰 점프의 대부분은 다시 외국에서 새로운 채널로 미국 TV 프로그램의 수출 증가에 기인 수 있습니다. Meanwhile, US imports of film and television programs decreased to $129 million in 2001 from $228 million in 1994 (US Department of Commerce, 1994, 2002). 与此同时，美国电影和电视节目的进口从1994年的$ 2.28亿美元下降到2001年的1.29亿美元（美国商务部，1994年，2002年）。한편, 영화 및 TV 프로그램의 미국의 수입은 1994 년 2억2천8백만달러에서 2001 년 129,000,000달러로 감소(상업 미국학과, 1994, 2002). The net (profit) was over $9 billion in 2001, making film and television more profitable than any other industry (apart from the weapons industry), and it has yielded great benefits to the US over the last several decades.美国在过去几十年来，电影和电视的盈利比其他任何行业都高（除了兵器工业），它已经取得了很大的好处，在2001年净（利润）超过90亿美元。순이익 (이익)은 다른 산업 (분리 무기 산업에서) 이상의 영화 및 TV보다 수익성 만들고, 2001 년 이상 9,000,000,000달러이었고, 그것은 지난 몇 십년 동안 미국에게 큰 혜택을 굴복했다.

Although Europe was the largest audiovisual market for the US, accounting for 62.8 percent of US audiovisual exports in 2001, the Asian audiovisual market gradually increased, from 12.8 percent in 1992 to 17.1 percent in 2001, with its increasing numbers of broadcasting channels (US Department of Commerce, 2002). 虽然欧洲是美国最大的音像市场，在2001年为62.8％，美国的视听产品出口随着亚洲的数字广播频道数量的日益增加，其音像产品占有的市场份额也逐渐增加，从1992年的12.8％到2001年的17.1％（美国能源部商务部，2002年）。유럽은 미국에 대한 가장 큰 시청각 시장, 2001 년 미국 시청각 수출의 62.8 %를 회계 였지만, 아시아 시청각

시장은 점차 방송 채널의 증가 (미국과 함께 2001 년에 1992 년 12.8 %에서 17.1 %로 증가 상무부, 2002) 중. In the region, Japan, one of the largest television markets in Asia, accounted for 52.1 percent of imports from the US in 2001, but this was a decrease from 70 percent in 1998. 日本是亚洲最大的电视市场之一，在2001年从美国进口数量占该地区的52.1％，但是比1998年的70％有所下降。지역에서는, 일본, 아시아에서 가장 큰 텔레비전 시장 중 하나는 2001 년에 미국에서 수입의 52.1 %를 차지하지만 1998 70 %에서 감소했습니다. Meanwhile, Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and China have become major trading partners for the US in recent years. 与此同时，韩国，香港，台湾和中国大陆近年来已成为美国的主要贸易伙伴。한편, 한국, 홍콩, 대만, 중국은 최근 미국 주요 교역 상대국이되었습니다.

As noted, the direct flow of cultural products from the US to Korea decreased for a while; 如前所述，来自美国的文化产品直接流向韩国下降了一段时间; 말씀 드린 바와 같이, 한국은 미국에서 문화 상품의 직접적인 흐름이 한동안 감소; however, the import of foreign television programs increased from the previous year by 22.8 percent in 2002 and 11.8 percent in 2003 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2004). 因而，外国电视节目的进口从2002年的22.8％，降到2003年的11.8％（文化和旅游部，2004年）。그러나, 외국 TV 프로그램의 수입은 2003 년에 2002 년 11.8 퍼센트에서 22.8 %로 전년 증가 (문화 관광부, 2004). The cultural market in Korea has changed direction again. 在韩国的文化市场已改变了方向。한국의 문화 시장은 다시 방향을 변경했습니다. In particular, the import of television programs from the US accounted for 77.8 percent of all imported foreign programs in 2003,while the export of domestic television programs to the US consisted of only 0.4 percent of programs exported to foreign countries in 2003 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2004). 特别是在2003年的电视节目从美国的进口占所有进口的外国节目的77.8％，而国

内的电视节目出口到美国的只占2003年出口到国外计划的0.4％（文化和旅游部，2004年）。미국 국내 TV 프로그램의 수출은 2003 년 외국에 수출 프로그램에만 0.4 %로 구성되어하면서 특히, 미국에서 텔레비전 프로그램의 수입은 2003 년 모든 수입 외국 프로그램의 77.8 %를 차지(문화 관광부, 2004). As these examples prove, the US has maintained the leading position in TV program and film trade in the world. 正如这些例子证明，美国一直保持着在电视节目和电影在世界贸易中的领先地位。이러한 예제는 증명으로 미국 TV 프로그램 및 세계 영화 무역의 선두 위치를 유지하고 있습니다. There is a more uneven flow of sales: every region in the world, including Asia, imports far more cultural products from the US than it sells to the US. 销售有一个更不均匀的流向：在世界的每一个地区，包括亚洲，从美国进口的文化产品比销往美国要多。매출보다 고르지 흐름이있다 : 그것은 미국에 판매하는 것보다 아시아 등 세계의 모든 지역은, 미국에서 훨씬 더 문화적인 제품을 가져옵니다.

More importantly, Western TNCs have focused on domestic cultural markets with their capital as well as their cultural goods in the era of globalization. 更重要的是，在全球化时代，西方跨国公司都集中在他们的资本以及文化产品占领国内文化市场。더 중요한 건, 서양 TNCs는 세계화의 시대에 그들의 자본뿐 아니라 그들의 문화 상품으로 국내 문화 시장에 주력했습니다. The US media giants have firmly demanded that East Asian countries fully open their market to US capital, as well as cultural products. 美国媒体巨头们坚决要求东亚国家对美国的资本，以及文化产品完全开放其市场。미국 미디어 거인들은 단단히 동아시아 국가들이 완전히 미국 자본뿐만 아니라 문화적인 제품으로 시장을 열 것을 요구했다. They desire deregulation, privatization and commercialization of the media industry in developing countries for easy penetration. 他们渴望放松管制，使私有化和商业化的传媒业在发展中国家容易渗透。그들은 규제 완화, 민영화 쉽게 침투를위한 개발 도상국의 미디어 산업의

상용화를 원한다. Unlike the period from the 1960s to the 1980s, the US has used delicate strategies to penetrate the world in recent years.与从20世纪60年代至80年代期间不同，近年美国使用了微妙的战略向世界渗透。1980 년대까지 1960 년대부터 시대와는 달리, 미국은 최근 몇 년간 세계에 침투하는 섬세한 전략을 사용했다. The US media giants tend to make use of local cultural resources in order to promote their products, being influenced not so much by any particular regard for national cultures as by market forces. 美国媒体巨头往往利用本地文化资源，以促进他们的产品，特别是当地国家的文化市场影响力。미국 미디어 거인은 시장 세력에 의해 같은 민족 문화에 대한 특정 관계에 의해 많이하지 영향을 받고 자신의 제품을 홍보하기 위해 지역의 문화 자원을 활용하는 경향이 있습니다. They realize that people prefer to watch programs in their own languages (Thussu, 2000: 184). 他们意识到，人们更喜欢看他们自己的语言节目（Thussu，2000：184）。그들은 사람들이 (: 184 Thussu, 2000) 자신의 언어로 프로그램을 시청하는 것을 선호 알고있다. As Croteau and Hoynes (1997) argued, global media enterprises have been forced to adapt to local cultures,and to link up with local partners, in order to sustain their expansion. 克罗托和Hoynes（1997）认为，全球媒体企业已经被迫适应当地文化，并与当地的合作伙伴连合起来，以维持其扩张。Croteau 및 Hoynes (1997)가 주장으로 글로벌 미디어 기업들은 현지 문화에 적응하기 위해, 그들의 팽창을 유지하기 위해 현지 파트너들과 연결하도록 강요되었습니다. This does not mean that global media giants give up their role as cultural imperialists. 这并不意味着全球媒体巨头放弃自己的文化帝国主义的作用。이것은 글로벌 미디어 거인들이 문화적 제국주의로서의 역할을 포기한다는 의미는 아닙니다. Instead, the US media giants have adopted a strategy known as ‘think globally, act locally’ to maintain and/or expand their dominance effectively. 相反，美国媒体巨头纷纷采用了被称为“想着全球，立足本地”，以维持和/或有效地扩大自己优势的战略。대신, 미국 미디어 거인들이 유지 및 / 또는

효과적으로 자신의 지배력을 확장하기 '는 전 세계적으로, 로컬로 행동하는 것'라는 전략을 채택 해왔다. The US also uses indirect means to penetrate the world. 美国还采用间接的方式渗透到世界。미국은 또한 세계에 침투하는 간접적인 수단을 사용합니다. For instance, the US manages international agencies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which have an impact on the Third World. Therefore, the US is a driving force behind the IMF. 例如，美国国际管理机构，包括国际货币基金组织（IMF），其中有一个对第三世界的影响。因此，美国是国际货币基金组织背后的推动力。예를 들어, 미국은 제 3 세계에 영향을 미칠 국제 통화 기금 (IMF)을 포함한 국제 기관을 관리합니다. 따라서, 미국은 IMF 뒤에 원동력입니다. On a general level, the IMF attempts to reduce government involvement in business decisions to support the style of capitalism long advocated by the US, which is centered on free markets (Schiller, 1999: 190). 在一般水平，国际货币基金组织试图减少政府参与支持资本主义的业务决策，这是由美国长期倡导的以自由市场经济为中心的风格（席勒，1999：190）。일반적인 수준에서, IMF는 자유 시장 (190 쉴러, 1999)을 중심으로되어 오랫동안 미국에 의해 주창 자본주의의 스타일을 지원하는 비즈니스 의사 결정에 정부의 개입을 줄이기 위해 시도합니다.

More importantly, the transnational corporations have gradually become highly influential institutions in the Korean cultural industry, as in many other countries. 更重要的是，韩国也同他许多国家一样，跨国公司已逐渐成为极具影响力的的文化产业机构。Since the late 1990s, TNCs have been able to invest in the Korean broadcasting sector in the forms of (1) direct investment,(2) joint ventures and (3) programming affiliation (or program cooperation), which means that foreign broadcasters air their programs on domestic networks or cable television instead of providing cash investment (Jin, forthcoming). 20世纪90年代后期以来，跨国公司

在韩国广播业投资的形式有（1）直接投资，（2）合资企业（3）规划联系（或合作计划），这意味着外国广播公司计划针对国内的网络或有线电视，而不是提供现金投资（金，即将出版）。In other words, TNCs are making inroads into the Korean broadcasting sector by cooperating with local cable and satellite operators. Foreign financial companies and communication mega-companies – the two major sources of foreign capital – invested in Korea because they believed the broadcasting business would be as lucrative there as elsewhere. 换句话说，跨国公司正在通过与当地的有线电视和卫星运营商合作进入韩国广播界。在韩国投资的外国金融公司和通信的巨型公司 - 外国资本的两个主要来源 - 因为他们相信广播产业将与其他地方一样利润丰厚。To begin with, direct investment from foreign financial companies was very active. 首先，国外金融公司的直接投资十分活跃。Citicorp Capital, the first foreign investor in the Korean cable business, invested $10 million in CJ39 Shopping and acquired an 8 percent stake of the channel in 1997 (Korea Broadcasting Committee, 2002). 花旗集团,第一个在韩国投资有线电视业务外国投资者，在CJ39购物上投资1000万美元，获得了的8％的股份（韩国广播委员会，2002年）。Capital International (US) also invested $50 million in On Media, owned by the Dong Yang Group, and became its second largest stockholder (21.7%) in 2000 (Cho, 2002: 114). 资本国际公司（美国）于2000年也在董扬集团拥有的媒体上投资50万美元，并成为其第二大股东（21.7％）（赵，2002：114）。

Meanwhile, several global mega-communication companies invested in the Korean broadcasting market in the form of joint ventures with domestic media industries or direct investment. In 2000, HBO invested $12.5 million to form a joint venture with On Media and aired movies beginning in October 2000 (Cho, 2002). 与此同时，一些全球大型通信公司在韩国广播市场以直接投资或合资企业的形式投资国内

的媒体行业。在2000年，HBO投资12.5百万美元成立了合资公司， 2000年10月开始在媒体上播出电影（赵，2002年）。MTV, an affiliate company of Viacom, also established a music channel, MTV Korea, in the form of a joint venture with On Media in July 2001. MTV，维亚康姆的附属公司，在2001年7月以合资的形式在媒体上还建立了一个音乐频道，MTV韩国。 On Media, the first and largest multi-channel owner in Korea, therefore, owned eight cable channels altogether, partially as a result of direct investment from foreign financial companies or joint ventures with foreign communication firms, including HBO, HBO Plus, Tooniverse and MTV Korea (Orion Group, 2003). 在媒体，是韩国最早，规模最大的多通道所有者，拥有共8个有线电视频道，部分频道是与国外通信公司，包括HBO，HBO的加，Tooniverse和MTV的外国金融公司或合资企业在韩国直接投资的结果（猎户座集团，2003年）。MBC Sports also had an affiliation with ESPN, owned by Disney, and changed its name to MBC-ESPN in 2001. MBC体育与拥有迪斯尼的ESPN也有联系，并在2001年改变它的名字为MBC-ESPN。 ESPN earned a 33 percent stake in this sports channel. 在这个体育频道上ESPN获得了33％的股份。The channel broadcasts NFL (National Football League) Sunday- and Monday-night football, and the Superbowl games, live, and broadcasts many NHL (National Hockey League) and NBA (National Basketball Association) games live most of the time (Volpato, 2002). 该频道在星期日和星期一的足球之夜节目上播放橄榄球（国家橄榄球联盟），其余大部分时间播放超级游戏，生活，和许多冰球（国家冰球联盟）和篮球（美国国家篮球协会）比赛（沃尔帕托，2002）。

Program cooperation became another form of investment in the Korean media industry. 节目合作成为在韩国媒体行业投资的另一种形式。JEI, an educational channel, contracted with Nickelodeon, a Viacom affiliate company. JEI，一个教育

频道，与尼克，维亚康姆的附属公司签约。JEI broadcasts animation and games produced by Nickelodeon for four hours every day. JEI播放由Nickelodeon制作的动画和游戏，每天四个小时。Q Channel is also tied to the Discovery Channel (US) and began to broadcast programs produced by the Discovery Channel, such as Travel & Adventure and Animal Planet. Q频道也挂钩探索频道（美国），并开始播出探索频道制作的节目如旅游探险和动物星球。Q Channel has also broadcast BBC programs through a program affiliation contract (Joong-Ang Ilbo, 2002). Q频道也通过所签署的节目合同播放了BBC的节目，（中央日报，2002年）。In 2002, MBN, a business news channel, signed up with CNBC, the US financial news channel, to exchange financial news and broadcast US stock market news. 在2002年，MBN，一个商业新闻频道与CNBC，美国的金融新闻频道签署了交换金融新闻和广播美国股市的消息。In addition, Spice TV, an adult movie channel, contracted with Playboy International and Playboy TV to broadcast their programs in 2002 (Korea Broadcasting Committee, 2002). 此外，香料电视，成人电影频道，在2002年与花花公子国际和花花公子电视签约播出他们的节目（韩国广播委员会2002）。As a result, foreign programs, from children’s movies to adult movies, from animation to documentary, have become part of everyday life in many Korean households in recent years. 因此，外国节目，从儿童电影到成人电影，从动画片到纪录片，近年来已成为许多韩国家庭日常生活的一部分。

In fact, the Korean cultural market is not safe from the US media giants. American dominance is rapidly growing in the form of capital investment, as well as the flow of cultural products. 事实上，从美国媒体巨头方面来看，韩国的文化市场是不安全，美国的优势正在以资本投资和文化产品的流通等形式迅速成长。When audiences appear to prefer locally made fare, the global media corporations, in particular US

ones, rather than flee in despair, globalize their production in a form of capital investment (McChesney, 2001). 当观众似乎更喜欢本地化的价格时，全球媒体公司，特别是美国的公司，不是绝望的逃离，因为全球化的生产是资本投资的形式（麦克切斯尼，2001年）。 Several US-owned or US-based Western cultural industries have begun producing films and television programs with national firms n Korea. 几个美资或总部设在美国西部文化产业已经开始在韩国的国内公司生产电影和电视节目。As Stuart Hall argues, ‘transnational capital attempts to rule through other local capitals, rule alongside and in partnership with other economic and political elites’ (1991: 28). 正如斯图亚特·霍尔认为，“跨国资本试图通过对当地资本的统治，在旁边制定规则，并与其他经济和政治精英建立伙伴关系”（1991：28）。Increasing its cultural power in the Asian region through its cultural products does not mean that Korea is free from the cultural dominance of the US. 通过其文化产品，增加其在亚洲地区的文化权力并不意味着韩国从美国得到的文化优势是自由的。

This shows that reverse cultural imperialism thesis, which has identified several emerging markets as evidence of the weaknesses of the cultural imperialism thesis, could not explain the Korean cultural market. 这表明，反文化帝国主义的论点，已确定几个新兴市场作为文化帝国主义论点的弱点的证据，不能解释韩国的文化市场。Regardless of the fact that Korea has developed its own cultural products and exported them in he same region, it has not overtaken the US in terms of cultural dominance. 无论事实，韩国已经开发出了自己的文化产品，并在同一区域出口，它没有取代美国的文化优势。Instead, the Korean cultural market has changed and has been influenced by he capital and cultural products of transnational corporations. 相反，韩国的文化市场已发生变化，已经受到跨国公司的资本和文化产品的影响。

The problematic of the narrowly focused cultural imperialism thesis 狭隘的文化帝国主义的论文问题

Reverse cultural imperialism has again identified several emerging markets as evidence of the weaknesses of the cultural imperialism thesis. 反文化帝国主义将几个新兴市场作为文化帝国主义论文的弱点的证据被再次认定。These scholars focused on cultural product flow and its impact. 这些学者专注于文化产品的流通及其影响。This tradition represents cultural imperialism as a narrowly focused cultural process to do with the flow of cultural products from Western countries, in particular the US, to the Third World. 这一传统代表是文化帝国主义作为一种狭隘的文化过程伴随着西方国家文化产品的流通，特别是从美国流向第三世界。The reverse cultural imperialism proponents primarily interpreted cultural imperialism as (only) the ‘iniquitous flow of cultural production’ from he First to the Third World (Chadha and Kavoori, 2000). 反文化帝国主义的支持者主要是解释文化帝国主义（只）“不公正的文化生产流通”，从第一世界流向第三世界（查德哈和Kavoori，2000年）。

These critics, however, did not consider recent trends in the transnationalzation of cultural industries, as well as growing US dominance in the global cultural market. 然而，这些批评，没有考虑最近跨国文化产业的趋势，以及美国在全球文化市场的主导地位的增长。 As discussed, media majors in Western countries have diversified their dominance in developed countries with their capital as well as heir cultural products over the last decade. 如前所述，西方国家的媒体业，用发达国家的资本，以及在过去十年对文化产品的继承造就成多元化的霸主地位。Although Western cultural dominance in television programs and films has decreased in a few countries, Western dominance through capital and industry has greatly

increased since developing countries lifted bans on foreign ownership and foreign investment as part of the globalization process. 虽然西方在电视节目和电影文化的主导地位在少数几个国家已经下降，但西方的资本和产业优势已大大增加了，因为发展中国家解除了作为全球化进程一部分的对外国所有权和外国投资禁令。The rise of Western corporate power is not only represented through the flow of cultural production, but also penetrates via capital and the organization of the industry, thus transmitting their cultural and economic values, including commercialism, to large numbers of developing nations around the world (Chadha and Kavoori, 2000). 西方企业实力的崛起，不仅代表了通过文化产品的生产流通，而且还通过资本和产业组织渗透，因此，他们的文化和经济价值，包括商业化，传输到世界各地的大批发展中国家（查德哈和Kavoori，2000年）。

As Dan Schiller (1996) and Annabelle Sreberny-Mohammadi (1997) point out, undermining domestic media production through dumping US television programs and films, which in turn reinforces one-way information flows, is only one criticism of cultural imperialism. 正如丹·席勒（1996年）和安娜贝尔Sreberny穆罕默迪（1997）指出，通过倾销美国的电视节目和电影来破坏国内媒体产品，这反过来又强化了单向的信息流动的生产，是唯一一个文化帝国主义的批评。They argue that another profound carrier of Western values, and a major outcome of colonial contact, is the development and spread of American capital, which reinforces commercialism. 他们认为，另一个深刻的西方的价值观的载体，以及殖民接触的主要成果是加强商业化的发展和美国资本的蔓延。As Dan Schiller claims, there are several other components which extend the role of pre-emptive agents of transnational corporations and state power, including: 作为丹席勒索赔，有几个其他组成部分，扩展了先发制人的跨国公司的代理商与国家权力的作用，包括：

… cultivation of commercialism through the introduction of commercial Western media systems; 通过对西方媒体系统商业引进的商业化培育; systematic violation of sovereignty via new, supranational communication technologies controlled largely by U.S.-based political elites and transnational corporations; 通过新的系统主权的侵犯，超级通信技术主要由美国的政治精英和跨国公司控制； mass distribution for global audiences of false or systematically distorted images of poor nations and peoples;对全球观众大量分发虚假或有系统地歪曲贫困国家和人民形象的信息； and schooling of foreign students to U.S. or U.S.-style media practices, with their built-in assumption that private, advertiser-supported media should dominate. (1996: 102) 教育外国学生学美国或美国式媒体的做法，让私人和广告商赞助的媒体成为主导。（1996 :102）

Sreberny-Mohammadi also argues: sreberny - 穆罕默迪还认为：

… cultural imperialism is not maintaining its rule merely through the export of cultural products, but through institutionalization of European [Western] ways of life, organizational structures, values and interpersonal relations, language. ...文化帝国主义，不仅通过文化产品的出口，还通过制度化的欧洲（西方）生活方式，组织结构，价值观念和人与人之间的关系，语言等维护其统治。 Cultural imperialism should be considered a multi-faceted cultural process since imperialism laid the ground for the ready acceptance and adoption of mediated cultural products which came much, much later. (1997: 51) 文化帝国主义应该被视为一个多层面的文化进程，为准备接受和采用来得晚得多中介文化产品奠定了基础。

In this regard, Tomlinson points out, ‘the idea of cultural imperialism retains

a continuing relevance in that it has become part of the general cultural vocabulary of modern societies’(1999), although it is less fashionable now than it was during the 1970s and 1980s. 在这方面，汤姆林森指出，“文化帝国主义的想法保持持续的相关性，它已成为现代社会文化的一般词汇的一部分”（1999），虽然与它在20世纪70年代和20世纪80年代比它已经不时尚。

What these theoreticians point out is that current media research needs to consider the nature of the transnationalization of the cultural industries, as well as the flow of cultural products from Western countries to developing countries. 这些理论家指出的是，现代的媒体研究需要考虑文化产业，以及文化产品从西方国家向发展中国家流动的跨国性质。 In the era of globalization, Western cultural industries have changed their strategies to adjust to the changing global environment. 在全球化时代，西方文化产业已经改变了自己的战略，以适应不断变化的全球环境。 Instead of solely focusing on exporting their cultural goods, they have invested in cultural industries in developing countries. 而不是只对他们的文化产品出口的重点，他们在文化产业的投资是在发展中国家。In this way, they are able to continue to dominate the world cultural market, while also introducing and reinforcing the commercial ideologies of Western countries. 以这种方式，他们能够继续称霸世界的文化市场，同时引进和加强西方国家的商业意识形态。

Conclusion结论

Korea has become an emerging market with its diverse product sourcing and growing exports. 伴随多样化的产品采购和出口增长，韩国已成为一个新兴的市场。Its national cultural industries are consolidating their new, higher position in the

regional market. 其国家的文化产业正在巩固他们在区域市场上新的更高的位置。 Several media scholars argue that the national industries successfully compete against dominant US films and TV programs, as in several Latin American countries. 多家媒体的学者认为，像几个拉美国家一样，民族产业在对抗占主导地位的美国电影和电视节目中赢得竞争。Due to the rapid changes in the Korean cultural market, critical reviews have often suggested the idea that cultural imperialism was over in Korea. 由于在韩国的文化市场的迅速变化，文化帝国主义是在韩国结束的思想被经常提出评论。

The process remains complex, however. 但是，进程仍然复杂。Above all, the US dominates the Korean cultural market through both cultural products and capital. 首先，美国通过文化产品和资本主导韩国的文化市场。The flow of cultural products from the US to Korea has significantly increased over the last few years. 从美国流向韩国文化产品已经在过去几年显着增加。The newly created commercial television stations in the mid1990s faced an immediate need for a high volume of programming, so they relied on US television products, with a few exceptional years. 20世纪90年代中期新创建的商业电视台面临的一个迫切需要高容量的节目，所以他们在少数例外几年依靠美国电视产品。 This reliance has increasingly ensured that US programming continues to dominate the Korean market. 这种依赖已经越来越多地确保美国的节目继续称霸韩国市场。

The US-owned or US-based TNCs have also penetrated Korea with their capital in the form of joint ventures, direct investment and program affiliations. 美资或总部设在美国的跨国公司用与他们的资本以合资的形式在韩国渗透，直接投资和计划加盟（合作）形式。The transnationalization of domestic cultural industries is nothing but another form of intensified cultural imperialism.国内文化产业的跨国化只不过是

另一种形式的强化文化帝国主义。US dominance seems to have reached a new level of significance through its capital investments and other new strategies. 美国的霸主地位，通过资本投资和其他新的战略意义似乎已达到一个新的水平。 It now operates not only at the level of content but also at the level of form. 现在不仅在内容层面也在形式层面运行。

In this light, Herbert Schiller pointed out: 有鉴于此，赫伯特·席勒指出：

American cultural imperialism is not dead. 美国文化帝国主义是不会死的。 Rather, the older form of cultural imperialism no longer adequately describes the global cultural condition. 相反，文化帝国主义的旧的形式已不再充分描述了全球的文化条件。Today it is more useful to view transnational corporate culture as the central force, with a continuing heavy flavor of U.S. media know-how, derived from long experience with marketing and entertainment skills and practices. (1992: 14–15) 今天，用它检视跨国企业文化作为核心力量有更多用处，从长期营销和娱乐技能和实践经验得出的一个美国媒体的诀窍，持续重味。 （1992：14-15）

As the above clearly indicates, theories of imperialism have been revised and have become more sophisticated. 正如上面清楚地表明，帝国主义理论已经修订，并已变得更加复杂。 As discussed, several other critics also point out that the cultural imperialism thesis is not only applicable to the flow of cultural products, but also to other aspects of the film and television industry, such as the institutionalization of Western ways of life, organizational structures, values and interpersonal relations, and language. 如前所述，其他一些评论家也指出，文化帝国主义的论断，不仅适用于文化产品的流通，而且也适用电影和电视行业的其他方面，如西方的生活方式的

制度化，组织结构，价值观念和人与人之间的关系，和语言。 Based on the argument discussed here, therefore, Korea seems to present relatively little evidence of the demise of cultural imperialism, even though it has expanded its role in the East and Southeast Asian cultural markets. 基于这里讨论的论点，因此，韩国似乎呈现相对较少的文化帝国主义的灭亡的证据，尽管它已扩大其在东亚和东南亚的文化市场的作用。The cultural imperialism thesis has not yet phased itself out in Korea, and it has in fact intensified with the new strategies of transnational corporations. 文化帝国主义理论本身在韩国尚未分阶段，事实上已加强了与跨国公司合作的新战略。

The role of emerging domestic players in Korea has been increasing across East and Southeast Asia over the last several years; 过去几年，在整个东亚和东南亚，韩国国内新兴娱乐厂商的作用越来越大;however, this does not mean that the inequality and imbalance in the audiovisual service sector between Western countries and Korean and other developing countries has decreased significantly. 然而，这并不意味着在西方国家与韩国和其他发展中国家之间的、在视听服务业的不平等和不平衡已经显著下降。 While Korea plays a key role in the regional cultural market, the dominance of the US has increased even more rapidly, because Korean popular culture has not penetrated Western countries, including the US, with a few exceptions. 虽然韩国在区域文化市场中起着关键作用，但美国的霸主地位上升的更为迅速，因为韩国流行文化还没有渗透的西方国家，包括美国，只有少数例外。 In other words, the global reorganization does not imply a complete collapse of American cultural power (Maxwell, 2003). 换句话说，全球重组并不意味着彻底崩溃了美国文化的力量（麦克斯韦，2003年）。

In summary, the cultural imperialism thesis still plays an important role in

interpreting the world cultural and/or media system because cultural imperialism has resulted in a situation whereby the media of advanced capitalist economies have been able to substantially influence the nature of cultural production and consumption of Third World countries (Chadha and Kavoori, 2000). 总之，文化帝国主义的论断仍然在解释世界的文化和/或媒体系统中起着重要的作用，因为文化帝国主义在导致一种情况，即发达资本主义国家的媒体已经能够大大影响了第三世界国家的文化生产和消费的性质（查德哈和Kavoori，2000年）。 The rapidly growing emerging market in several places is a result of the interaction among transnational capital, international agencies and emerging domestic actors, while the US still maintains its dominance over global communication in the early 21st century. 在21世纪初，新兴市场只在几个地方迅速增长，是由跨国资本，国际机构和国内新兴的参与者之间的相互作用的结果，而美国仍维持其对全球通信的优势，。 Cultural imperialism maintains its rule in developing countries not only through exports of Western cultural products, but also through the institutionalization of the cultural industries in these countries. 文化帝国主义不仅可以通过西方的文化产品出口到发展中国家来维护其统治，而且还可以通过影响这些国家的文化产业的体制来维护其统治。 Cultural imperialism acts as a means of cultural transformation in the form of flows of cultural products, capital and industries in the globalization era.全球化时代，在文化产品、资本和产业的流动形式方面，文化帝国主义作为文化转型中的一种工具。

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Dal Yong Jin (PhD University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) is Assistant

Professor at Simon Fraser University in Canada. His major research and teach-

ing interests are the political economy of the media and transnational cultural

studies, new media and communication technology, telecommunications policy

and globalization. He is currently interested in researching the macro-level

effects of the diffusion of information and communication technologies and

their policy implications. His recent work also includes the role of transnational

culture in the regionalization and globalization processes. His book, Hands

On/Hands Off: The Korean State and the Market Liberalization of the

Communication Industry, is currently in press at Hampton Press. Address:

Simon Fraser University, School of Communication, 8888 University Drive,

Burnaby, BC, Canada V5A 1S6. [email: ***********]

（郭大卫）