There is a marked difference between the education which every one gets from living with others, and the deliberate educating of the young. In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association.46 It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive. Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc. 47Only gradually was the by-product of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution. Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world's work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.
But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance.48 While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults. The need of training is too evident; the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account. 49Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or no we are forming the powers which will secure this ability. If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.
50 We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education -- that of direct tuition or schooling. In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training. These groups mainly rely for instilling needed dispositions into the young upon the same sort of association which keeps the adults loyal to their group.
46．尽管人们可以这样说，对任何一个社会制度价值的衡量就是其在增长和丰富经验方面所产生的影响，但是这种影响并不是其最初（原来）动机的一部分。
47. 这个制度的副产品仅仅是为人们所逐步注意到，而在实施这种制度时，认为这种影响是一个制约因素则仍然更为缓慢。
48. 尽管我们在与年轻人交往时，很容易忽视我们的行为对他们性格的影响，但是与成年人接触或交往却并不那么容易。
49. 既然我们对他们的主要职责（任务）就是使年轻人能够参与到一个共同的生活中去，因此我们不禁思考我们是否正具备这种力量，而这种力量将有助于我们获得这种能力。
50. 因此，我们到目前为止一直在思考这种广泛的教育过程，从而促使我们去区别一个更为正规的教育，也就是说，那种直接教导或学校教育。
2010年Part C
One basic weakness in a comservation system based wholly one economic motives is that most members of the land.community have no economic value.Yet these ereatures are members of the biotic community and ,if its stability depends on its inteyrity,they are entitled to continuance.
When one of these noneconomic categories is threatened and,if we happen to love it .We invert excuses to give it economic importance.At the beginning of century songbiras were supposed to be disappearing.(46) Scinentists jumped to the rescue with some distinctly shaky evidence to the effect that insects would eat us up if birds failed to control them,the evideuce had to be comic in order to be valid. It is pamful to read these round about accounts today .We have no land ethic yet ,(47) but we have at least drawn near the point of admitting that birds should continue survival as a matter of intrinsic right,regardless of the presence or absence of economic advantage to us. A panallel situation exists in respect of predatory mamals and fish-eating
birds .(48) Time was when biologists somewhat over worded the evidence that these creatures preserve the health of game by killing the physically weak,or that they prey only on “worthless species”.
Some species of tree have been read out of the party by economics-minded foresters because they grow too slowly .or have too low a sale vale to pay as imeber crops (49) In Europe ,where forestry is ecologically more advanced ,the Non-commercial tree species are recognized as members of native forest community ,to be preserved as such ,within reason. To sum up:a system of conservation based solely on economic self-interest is hopelessly lopsided.(50) It tends to ignore, and thus eventually to eliminate, many elements in the land community that lack commercial value, but that are essential to its healthy functioning.Without the uneconomic pats.
46.科学家们赶紧拿出某些明显站不住脚的证据前来救驾，大致说的是如果鸟儿不能控制害虫的话，害虫就会把我们吃掉。
47.但是我们至少已经几乎承认了这样一种观点：那就是鸟儿的生存是它们的固有权利，不管它对我们是否有经济利益。
48.曾几何时，生物学家总是重述以下的这条证据：这些生物是为了维持食物链的正常运行去捕食弱小的生物或\"没有价值的物种\"。
49.在生态林业较为先进的欧洲，没有成为商业化对象的树种被视为原始森林群落的成员适当地加以保护。
50.他容易忽视并最终消灭很多缺乏商业价值的物种，然而这些物种对于整个生物群落的健康运行是至关重要的。
2011年Part C
With its theme that “Mind is the master weaver，” creating our inner character and outer circumstances， the book As a Man Thinking by James Allen is an in-depth exploration of the central idea of self-help writing. （46） Allen„s contribution was to take an assumption we all share-that because we are not robots we therefore control our thoughts-and reveal its erroneous nature. Because most of us believe that mind is separate from matter， we think that thoughts can be hidden and made powerless； this allows us to think one way and act another. However， Allen believed that the unconscious mind generates as much action as the conscious mind， and （47） while we may be able to sustain the illusion of control through the conscious mind alone， in reality we are continually faced with a question： “Why cannot I make myself do this or achieve that？ ”
Since desire and will are damaged by the presence of thoughts that do not accord with desire， Allen concluded ： “ We do not attract what we want， but what we are.” Achievement happens because you as a person embody the external achievement； you don„t “ get” success but become it. There is no gap between mind and matter.
Part of the fame of Allen„s book is its contention that “Circumstances do not make a person， they reveal him.” （48） This seems a justification for neglect of those in need， and a rationalization of exploitation， of the superiority of those at the top and the inferiority of those at the bottom. This ，however， would be a knee-jerk reaction to a subtle argument. Each set of circumstances，
however bad， offers a unique opportunity for growth. If circumstances always determined the life and prospects of people， then humanity would never have progressed. In fat， （49）circumstances seem to be designed to bring out the best in us and if we feel that we have been “wronged” then we are unlikely to begin a conscious effort to escape from our situation .Nevertheless， as any biographer knows， a person‟s early life and its conditions are often the greatest gift to an individual.
The sobering aspect of Allen„s book is that we have no one else to blame for our present condition except ourselves. （50） The upside is the possibilities contained in knowing that everything is up to us； where before we were experts in the array of limitations， now we become authorities of what is possible.
46、艾伦的贡献在于提供了我们能分担和揭示错误性质的假设——因为我们不是机器人，因此我们能够控制我们的理想。
47、我们可以单独通过意识维持控制的感觉，但实际上我们一直面临着一个问题，为什么我不能完成这件事情或那件事情。
48、这似乎可能为必要时的忽视正名，也能合理说明剥削，以及在顶层的人的优越感及处于后层人们的劣势感。
49、环境似乎是为了挑选出我们的强者，而且如果我们感觉受了委屈，那么我们就不可能有意识的做出努力逃离我们原来的处境。
50、正面在于我们处于这样的位置，知道所有事情都取决于我们自己，之前我们对着一系列的限制，而现在我们成了权威。
2012年Part C
Since the days of Aristotle, a search for universal principles has characterized the scientific enterprise. In some ways, this quest for commonalities defines science. Newton‟s laws of motion and Darwinian evolution each bind a host of different phenomena into a single explicatory frame work.(46)In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative equation for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification, given the dimensions and universes that it might entail,
nonetheless, unification of sorts remains a major goal.This tendency in the natural sciences has long been evident in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification for it all humans share common origins it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings. Just as the bewildering variety of human courtship rituals might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world‟s languages, music, social and religious customs and even history are governed by universal features. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.
That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative study of linguistic traits published online today supplies a reality check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars in the light of two previous attempts to find universality in language.
The most famous of these efforts was initiated by Noam Chomsky, who suggested that humans are born with an innate language—acquisition capacity that dictates a universal grammar. A few generative rules are then sufficient to unfold the entire fundamental structure of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many language which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent more than 2,000 languages.(50)Chomsky‟s grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it. Whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lire age-specific and not governed by universals
46. 物理学中的一个理论把这种归一的冲动发挥到了极致，它探寻一种万有理论——一个关于我们能看到的一切的生成方程式。
47. 在这里，达尔文主义似乎提供了有力的理由，因为如果全人类有共同的起源，那么假设文化差异也能够追溯到更有限的源头好像就是合理的了。
48. 把差异性和独特性从共性中过滤出来也许能让我们理解复杂的文化行为是如何产生的，是什么从进化或认知领域指导着它。
49. 约书亚格林伯格为寻找语言的共性而付出努力提出了第二种理论。他采用了一个更实用的共性理论，做法是辨认出众多语言的共有特征(尤其是按照词序排列)，这些特征被认为代表了由认知局限导致的偏差。
50. 乔姆斯基生成语法应该表明语言变化的模式，这些模式独立于族谱或贯穿其中的路径，然而格林伯格的共性理论预测词序关系的特殊类别之间(而不是其他)有着强烈的共存性。
2013年Part C
It is speculated that gardens arise from a basic need in the individuals who made them: the need for creative expression. There is no doubt that gardens evidence an impossible urge to create, express, fashion, and beautify and that self-expression is a basic human urge; (46) Yet when one looks at the photographs of the garden created by the homeless, it strikes one that , for all their diversity of styles, these gardens speak os various other fundamental urges, beyond that of decoration and creative expression. One of these urges had to do with creating a state of peace in the midst of turbulence, a “still point of the turning world,” to borrow a phrase from T. S. Eliot. (47)A sacred place of peace, however crude it may be, is a distinctly human need, as opposed to shelter, which is a distinctly animal need. This distinction is so much so that where the latter is lacking, as it is for these
unlikely gardens, the foemer becomes all the more urgent. Composure is a state of mind made possible by the structuring of one‟s relation to one‟s environment. (48) The gardens of the homeless which are in effect homeless gardens introduce from into an urban environment where it either didn‟t exist or was not discernible as such. In so doing they give composure to a segment of the inarticulate environment in which they take their stand.
Another urge or need that these gardens appear to respond to, or to arise from is so intrinsic that we are barely ever conscious of its abiding claims on us. When we are deprived of green, of plants, of trees, (49)most of us give into a demoralization of spirit which we usually blame on some psychological conditions, until one day we find ourselves in garden and feel the expression vanish as if by magic. In most of the homeless gardens of New York City the actual cultivation of plants is unfeasible, yet even so the compositions often seem to represent attempts to call arrangement of materials, an institution of
colors, small pool of water, and a frequent presence of petals or leaves as well as of stuffed animals. On display here are various fantasy elements whose reference, at some basic level, seems to be the natural world. (50)It is this implicit or explicit reference to nature that fully justifies the use of word garden though in a “liberated” sense, to describe these synthetic constructions. In them we can see biophilia- a yearning for contact with nonhuman life-assuming uncanny representational forms.
46. 然而,令人震惊的是,当人们看到又无家可归者建造的花园照片时,由于风格的多样性,所有这些花园显示了超越了装饰与创造性表现的其它各种各样的基本诉求. 47. 尽管可能有点简陋,但这一神圣和平之地明显象征着人类需求,就好比外壳明显象征着动物需求.
48. 那些无家可归者的花园实际上是\"无家可归\"的家园,同花园被引入了城市,在那儿,它们之前即不存在也未曾像这样可以被辨识.
49 . 我们中的大部分人屈服于道德败坏,在某些心理状态下我们通常归咎于道德败坏,直到有一天我们发现自己身处花园,压迫感奇迹般地消失了.
50. 尽管在某种被解放的意义上,但正是这种含蓄或明显的对大自然的引用认可了使用“花园”一词来描述这些被合成的建筑。
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